The Anti Neo-Democracy Theorist

Entries from April 2006

Let Revisit our Singapore pledge

April 29, 2006 · No Comments

Are you a Singapore citizen or merely a Singapore employee?

Our Pledge

We, the citizens of Singapore,
pledge ourselves as one united people,
regardless of race, language or religion,
to build a democratic society
based on justice and equality
so as to achieve happiness, prosperity and
progress for our nation.

Have you work towards a democratic society?
Have you fought against injustice and inequality?
Are you Progressive?
Are we Citizens or Are we simply employees in Singapore Inc?
Have you gone for Rallies?
Have you read the news?
Are you voting?

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Vodcast on latest development in GE

April 27, 2006 · 2 Comments

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PAP 37, contests 47

April 27, 2006 · No Comments

Latest News from TODAY/My brother’s letter in TODAY

Why not be MPs full-time?


Letter from Soon Sze Meng

I WOULD like to know why most of the candidates from the People’s Action Party (PAP) have not said that they would choose to become full-time MPs if they are voted into Parliament, as compared to a number of opposition candidates who have vowed to do so if they are elected.

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As a voter, I would like to see my elected MP working full-time to serve my constituency.

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In addition, it seems that many of the opposition candidates live among the 85 per cent of the population in HDB flats. How many of the PAP candidates live in HDB flats, and can they understand our living conditions from a first-person perspective?

PAP 37, contests 47
No Govt formed on Nomination Day and it’s all to fight for

WHEN the clock struck noon a few hours ago, a new chapter was written for Singapore’s recent electoral history.

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With 47 of the 84 seats in Parliament being contested by the Opposition, the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) did not return to power on Nomination Day — for the first time since 1988.

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It is also the neatest election yet, with the Opposition managing to avoid any three-cornered fights. And, remarkably, not a single Independent candidate showed up to derail that plan.

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Even in Nee Soon Central — where up to the last minute, political watchers and even the candidates were expecting a three-cornered fight — the candidate for the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) did not turn up, leaving Workers’ Party’s (WP) Lian Chin Way, 36, to face off with veteran grassroots MP Ong Ah Heng, 62.

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Come Polling Day on May 6, a total of 1,222,884 voters will get to vote. This is 56.65 per cent of eligible voters, compared to only 33 per cent in the last election, which saw the largest number of walkovers since the 1968 election.

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On a day known to spring surprises in the past, all went according to plan in the crucial one hour on Nomination Day, save for the drizzle and a few near-scares, including one involving Minister of State Gan Kim Yong, who was seen rushing back into the Nomination Centre at 1pm. The PAP candidate for Chua Chua Kang SMC had thought that he had not submitted a document, only to realise that it was a false alarm, some 15 minutes later.

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Apart from the nine Single Member Constituencies, seven Group Representation Constituencies will be contested. They include the Prime Minister’s own ward of Ang Mo Kio, Pasir Ris-Punggol, Sembawang, Aljunied, East Coast, Jalan Besar and Tampines.

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The confirmation that came at noon has cast the election in a different light.

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Mr Lee Hsien Loong, who is leading the PAP team in his first election as Prime Minister, put it starkly: “We’re fighting this election to decide who will form the next Government.”

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By framing the elections in such blunt terms — and reminding voters that PAP had not automatically been handed over the reins of power — the ruling party has raised the stakes for the May 6 polls.

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Voiced by various ministers in different ways after Nominations closed today, the message emerging is this: It is no longer a simple matter of a local contest about lift upgrading, and no longer an issue of merely casting a vote for an alternative voice in Parliament.

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Said Prime Minister Lee: “Well, I am happy that there are many Opposition candidates contesting this time, and I think they are contesting 47 of the seats, so we don’t have a majority who have been returned unopposed.

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“So, we are fighting this election to decide who will form the next Government of Singapore. And I think that is an important issue which we will fight on.”

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And, in Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng’s seven words: “There is no Government formed yet.”

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But Workers’ Party chairman Sylvia Lim countered: “Because people are realistic, they will know that there is no way the Opposition can win all the constituencies they contest in.

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“You can take your bet. The PAP will become the Government on polling day. So people should feel free to assess if the Opposition is credible or not, and make the choice accordingly.

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In all, nine ministers — out of the 19 in the Cabinet — will be facing a contest. Other office-holders having to defend their positions are six Ministers of State, the Speaker of Parliament, two Parliamentary Secretaries and four Mayors.

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Among the wards contested, Sembawang — which looks set to be a hot spot as it features the controversial SDP — is helmed by Health Minister Khaw Boon Wan, who has not faced a contest before.

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Another office-holder facing his maiden electoral contest is Mr Gan, who is contesting the single ward of Chua Chu Kang.

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Still, despite the number of wards contested, only eight new PAP candidates will be facing an electoral battle, while the other 16 entered Parliament on Nomination Day itself.

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The Opposition, on the other hand, in waving goodbye to the by-election strategy which assures voters that it is safe to vote for the Opposition without fear of toppling the ruling party, is living up to its message to voters that it is serious about building up a credible and strong opposition.

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Mr Low Thia Khiang, the chief of Workers’ Party has framed the elections as a referendum on the Opposition: You have a choice, but how will you use it?

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In fact, advice flowed freely from the candidates at the various nomination centres earlier.

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Minister Khaw told the 1000-odd PAP supporters at Admiralty Secondary School: “Picking candidates is sometimes like picking durians. You have to look not only at the shape, but the weight and whether there are worms.”

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National Development Minister Mah Bow Tan also urged voters not to take a chance.

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“Who can look after the voters the best? You can take chances with buying something at the shop, the quality of which you are not so sure but maybe the price is cheaper, you can take chances with maybe buying a car. But take a chance with your lives? Take a chance with your future? Take a chance with your children’s future? I think not.”

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The opening forays are out of the way. The nine days of lively campaigning will begin tomorrow.


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A good book by Warren Cohen

April 26, 2006 · No Comments

A good book on the Foreign Relations of East Asia by Warren Cohen

East Asia at the Center; Four Thousand Years of Engagement with the World

Warren I. Cohen

“A superb and readable introduction to the region’s history.”
Foreign Affairs

“Extremely ambitious . . . Cohen plunges right in with enviable bravado and scope.”
China Quarterly

“Stimulating and informative.”
Library Journal

“A detailed, general-reader overview of everything below Siberia and above the Himalayas, plus the offshore archipelagos and the march of Islam. With maps, time-lines and celebrity lists; without partisanship….East Asia at the Center is an intellectual feat.”
—James H. Bready, Baltimore Sun

“[Cohen] has attempted the impossible with East Asia at the Center and largely succeeded. His book is an absorbing corrective to the Eurocentric view that dominates most thinking about the world.”
The Japan Times

“I recommend that all who are curious about or who have a professional interest in East Asia read this book.”
—Lewis Bernstein, Military Review

“An ambitious project that takes much courage, stamina, and intellectual acumen to undertake. It is evident that Cohen has all three.”
—Akira Iriye, Harvard University

“This is, in all respects, a truly amazing study! . . . Only a seasoned, talented—and audacious—writer would attempt what Warren I. Cohen has.”
—Robert J. McMahon, University of Florida

“Warren I. Cohen is one of the most perceptive, knowledgeable and prolific historians in the world today on the subjects of China and East Asia. He writes with the clarity of a journalist and the wide-ranging authority of a scholar.”
—James Mann, foreign-affairs columnist for the Los Angeles Times, author of About Face

“A successful attempt to rpovide a useful aid to students in “area studies”.”
—Andrea Campana, Acta Koreana

A common misconception holds that Marco Polo “opened up” a closed and recalcitrant “Orient” to the West. However, this sweeping history covering 4,000 years of international relations from the perspective of China, Japan, Korea, and Southeast Asia shows that the region’s extensive involvement in world affairs began thousands of years ago.

In a time when the writing of history is increasingly specialized, Warren I. Cohen has made a bold move against the grain. In broad but revealing brushstrokes, he paints a huge canvas of East Asia’s place in world affairs throughout four millennia. Just as Cohen thinks broadly across time, so too, he defines the boundaries of East Asia liberally, looking beyond China, Japan, and Korea to include Southeast Asia. In addition, Cohen stretches the scope of international relations beyond its usual limitations to consider the vital role of cultural and economic exchanges.

Within this vast framework, Cohen explores the system of Chinese domination in the ancient world, the exchanges between East Asia and the Islamic world from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries, and the emergence of a European-defined international system in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The book covers the new imperialism of the 1890s, the Manchurian crisis of the early 1930s, the ascendancy of Japan, the trials of World War II, the drama of the Cold War, and the fleeting “Asian Century” from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s.

East Asia at the Center is replete with often-overlooked or little-known facts, such as:

• A record of persistent Chinese imperialism in the region

• Tibet’s status as a major power from the 7th to the 9th centuries C.E., when it frequently invaded China and decimated Chinese armies

• Japan’s profound dependence on Korea for its early cultural development

• The enormous influence of Indian cuisine on that of China

• Egyptian and Ottoman military aid to their Muslim brethren in India and Sumatra against European powers

• Extensive Chinese sea voyages to Arabia and East Africa—long before such famous Westerners as Vasco da Gama and Christopher Columbus took to the seas

East Asia at the Center’s expansive historical view puts the trials and advances of the past four millennia into perspective, showing that East Asia has often been preeminent on the world stage—and conjecturing that it might be so again in the not-so-distant future.

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Third Book: Singapore Wealth, Power and Culture of Control

April 25, 2006 · No Comments

Feel like I am also presenting my own candidates..haha

Third “Candidate”: Singapore Wealth, Power and Culture of Control by Carl Trocki



Carl Trocki is widely recognized as a first rate Southeast Asia and international historian by most historians world wide. His previous book(s) on opium in the making of colonial Singapore/global political economy is very influential and thought provoking. He has come up with a masterpiece on Colonial history of Singapore. The post-independence history should be not be unfamiliar with Singapore watches. The gem is this book is definetly his writings on Colonial Singapore; first rate!


Review

by Yasuko Kobayashi (University of Melbourne)

The author of the present book is fully aware of this pitfall in narrating Singapore history. To avoid it, he demonstrates Singapore history through an interesting theme: the power of the Chinese masses pitted against an alliance of other powers. These powers comprise the local English-educated Chinese elites, and the forces of global Euro-American capital (p185).

The book can be broadly categorized into two sections. The first section (Chapters 1-3) narrates stories about Singapore from the pre-Raffles era until the Second World War. The second half of the book (Chapters 4-6) is about independent Singapore, from the time of transition after the Second World War until today.


The first chapter successfully explains the founding of
Singapore by focusing on its geo-economic location. Singapore is located in a junction of three different trade routes, local trade, Chinese junk trade, and European trade by the East Indian Company. This geo-economic location of Singapore provides the conditions for it to become a secure base for the East Indian Company. Singapore was set as a free port, accessible by traders regardless of nationality; and as a base for the opium trade. The Singapore economy was constructed by global capital through the opium trade and by a system of labour organization and exploitation.


That economic structure created the population dynamics of colonial
Singapore society. This rich texture of population is illustrated in Chapter 2. One element was Europeans as the supplier of the global capital and colonial masters. Another element was Baba Chinese with a command of English as mediators between Europeans and local connections, or as small shop owners. A third element was Chinese from mainland China as coolies to supply labour. Malays, too, continued to live in the urban areas of Singapore by engaging in fishing. Various Indian populations were also brought to Singapore, such as labourers for the rubber plantations, money lenders, and educated Indians as colonial servants. Singapore was a milieu of sub-ethnic divisions of dialect, region of origin and religion.


To understand politics within such a diverse society, the author conceives of
Singapore as a type of “joint venture” (p77). This joint venture comprised a partnership or “condominium” between shifting groups of players or power brokers (p76). British colonial masters, powerful Chinese leaders, descendants of the Malay sultan, and English-educated locals all jointly negotiated their political space.


The second half of the book is about independent
Singapore. Its narrative inevitably becomes about how the government established its power over the whole ‘package’ of Singapore.

After the Second World War, a certain group succeeded in gaining power: the English-educated Chinese. This group knew how to negotiate with the colonial masters and also how to negotiate with and utilize the Chinese masses. It was led by Lee Kuan Yew and several colleagues. Having gained power in the 1959 election, Lee carefully pushed the Chinese communists out of power by using the now- notorious Internal Security Act. This section of the book examines legalized violence by the state power – a topic glossed over or even ignored by most safe textbooks of Singapore history.

Lee Kuan Yew’s group controlled not only in politics but also the social space. Chapter 5 illustrates how the middle class was depoliticised by the state’s strategies. Two fundamental state ideologies designed a depoliticised mentality among Singaporeans. One is multiculturalism, which banned people from using ethnicity as a political vehicle. The other ideology was meritocracy. This created a merit-oriented culture through the education system, so that a politically indifferent technocratic elite was produced and placed at the top of the society. The government also controls the living space of Singaporeans by providing state housing (HDB flats).


Such control also encompasses the economic field. The government intervenes and controls every stage of
Singapore’s economic development. From the protection of local industries in the early 1960s to the Strategic Economic plan of 1990, the government is actively involved in each step. It utilizes regulations and campaigns to mobilise and discipline a suitable labour force at each stage, while negotiating the flow of foreign investment. However, the author poses a doubt whether such strong state control over Singapore’s economy can be sustained, in the face of globalization.


While the author’s discussion of state control is useful, I did wonder while reading it whether it is still possible to draw such a clear-cut line between the state and the society. In line with his own theme of dynamic negotiation among players, ordinary Singaporeans should be recognised as active performers, rather than meekly controlled pawns. They are complicit in consolidating the state ideology or governance. They work hand in hand with the state to enact it through their everyday life, although perhaps largely unaware that they are doing so. Examining that complicity could reveal still more facets of the complex power structure in
Singapore.

To sum up, this book is good reading for all readers who wish to know more about Singapore, and for scholars who want to gain critical insights in order to examine it.

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Watch ST Vodcast on GE

April 23, 2006 · No Comments

One good recommendation today. Watch video podcasts (like news segments) of General election . http://vodcast.straitstimes.com/#>

The ST vodcast is surprisingly more balanced and longer than the ones on channelnewsasia.com. For news print, read todayonline. For vodcast, see ST vodcasts

See especially the vodcast about “Young Singaporeans cannot be blamed for being politically apathetic”.

Enjoy watching!

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Japan’s modern Myth by Carol Gluck

April 23, 2006 · 1 Comment


Japan’s Modern Myths (Paperback)
by Carol Gluck

An tour de force by the Queen of Japanese history from Yale University

If you google Prof. Carol Gluck’s book online, it has become a standard fest for japanese history classes. My own papers have been influenced by her ideas, especially about the making of ideology, where ideology is not merely an idea but an process in making. Not everybody subscribes to state ideology in reality and this tension played out in the Japanese polity as early as the Late Meiji era.

If you have JSTOR, you can see her book’s review by Professor Sheldon.

Japan Quarterly
: The narration and analysis of every page of the work reflect the author’s brimming talent and make for extremely interesting reading. . . . This book . . . will become a lasting milestone in the study of the intellectual history of modern Japan.

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Week of Book Recommendation

April 21, 2006 · 2 Comments


Some interesting books by top academias that I read on East Asian History/Politics/Economics/Society

First Book:
From Comrade to Citizen
The Struggle for Political Rights in China

Merle Goldman (2006)

Merle Goldman is Professor of History, emerita, at Boston University and Associate of the John K. Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University

A leading scholar of China’s modern political development examines the changing relationship between the Chinese people and the state. Correcting the conventional view of China as having instituted extraordinary economic changes but having experienced few political reforms in the post-Mao period, Merle Goldman details efforts by individuals and groups to assert their political rights.

China’s move to the market and opening to the outside world have loosened party controls over everyday life and led to the emergence of ideological diversity. Starting in the 1980s, multi-candidate elections for local officials were held, and term limits were introduced for communist party leaders. Establishment intellectuals who have broken away from party patronage have openly criticized government policies. Those intellectuals outside the party structures, because of their participation in the Cultural Revolution or the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations, have organized petitions, published independent critiques, formed independent groups, and even called for a new political system.

Despite the party’s repeated attempts to suppress these efforts, awareness about political rights has been spreading among the general population. Goldman emphasizes that these changes do not guarantee movement toward democracy, but she sees them as significant and genuine advances in the assertion of political rights in China.

Amazon Purchase of Goldman’s book

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Ten advice for next two weeks-No more Singapore posts

April 21, 2006 · 4 Comments

Ten advice for the next two weeks

1) Read Todayonline instead of Straitstimes for English News/ Read Zaobao Election GE coverage

2) Attend Political Rallies for goodness sake, is once in four years lah

3) Check out the Channelnewsasia forum on GE

4) Listen to UFM 1003 every morning “Jia Shi Tian Xia Shi”

5) Read Academia books on Singapore current affairs and politics

6) Visit various parties website regularly

7) Check out the Young PAP forum

8) Thinkcentre.org, Talkingcock.com, Singapore Window

9) Write to the newspaper if you are interested

10) Eat Well and Sleep Well and Drink lots of water!

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Educators should push for critical thinking during GEs

April 20, 2006 · No Comments

My letter in TODAY
Link: UK School Mock Poll

Educators should push for critical thinking during GEs

I refer to Ms Teo Hwee Nak’s commentary “Is political tea too bitter a brew?” (April 18).

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I think Dr Gillian Koh of the Institute of Policy Studies was right to point to the “political socialisation of Singaporeans” as one reason for the reluctance to engage in national politics.

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Young Singaporeans especially seem to be socialised to see politics as neither an important nor a “safe” cause to fight for. Yet others grow up with the perception that Opposition candidates are clumsy.

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One way to move beyond such perceptions is for educators to grasp the opportunity during each General Election to hold mock polls in secondary schools, which is what the Hansard Society in the United Kingdom does to raise awareness of the parliamentary and political process.

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To start with, teachers can raise issues of political interest from time to time in the classroom, and let students carry out project-based research on this upcoming election.