The Anti Neo-Democracy Theorist

Entries from July 2006

Why HK flourishes

July 30, 2006 · 1 Comment

Interesting Article in Newsweek

Newsweek July 31, 2006
International Edition

Global Investor Saskia Sassen; Why Hong Kong Is Happening

Saskia Sassen, a sociologist at University of Chicago, is author of “Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages.”

Like New York, Hong Kong has been declared dead more than once. The 1990s were particularly gloomy. With the handover to China in ‘97, many predicted that the onetime colony would lose its distinction–British rule of law–and fade in competition with younger, hotter Chinese cities. Singapore saw such clear signs of demise that it offered 40,000 visas to Hong Kong professionals, particularly those in finance and related fields. By the early 2000s most bets were on Shanghai, located at the heart of the mainland boom, as the city that would topple Hong Kong. And yet Hong Kong is still on top. Its stock market is near 10-year highs, and the economy has been growing at an annual 5 percent since 1989 –blazing fast for a city this wealthy. Property prices are expected to falter this year, but by last month they had doubled from their post-handover low. Singapore never filled those 40,000 visas with Hong Kong professionals. And after zooming upward, Shanghai has now settled into a secondary role as the leading financial center on the mainland itself. Since 2003 the total value of the Shanghai stock market has fallen by $37 billion to $313 billion, along with its share of global stock-market capitalization (from 1 percent to 0.7 percent). In that time Hong Kong’s value has risen by $500 billion to $1.2 trillion, for a 2.7 percent global share. This is tiny compared with Asia’s major financial capital, Tokyo, but nonetheless dominant in the Chinese market.One reason naysayers are consistently wrong about Hong Kong is that they overlook the critical characteristics of truly global financial centers.

As nations become more firmly tied to one another by trade and investment flows, they increasingly manage those flows through their key international center. Some are old (London); others are new (Sydney). But they share distinct characteristics, in particular the talent and culture to mediate between distinct national business practices and an increasingly standardized global financial system.In 1999, when predictions of Hong Kong’s demise were at a peak, I wrote in Foreign Affairs that its features as a financial center ensured its future. Shanghai can replicate Hong Kong’s technical connectivity, but it still can’t match Hong Kong’s extensive business networks, its systems of trust and its regulatory framework. The pro-free-market Heritage Foundation has ranked Hong Kong No. 1 in the world for “economic freedom” 10 years in a row, and rightly so. And Hong Kong is far more deeply internationalized than many larger financial centers, including New York, with almost 60 percent of its banking business denominated in foreign currencies.

That said, China is particularly interesting among major trading nations in that it is the only one, other than the United States, that is cultivating two financial capitals with distinct specialties. Hong Kong (like New York) is a genuinely global platform, whereas Shanghai is a national platform with increasingly global reach–on its way to becoming the Chicago of China. This means that the rivalry between the two is not a zero-sum game. For instance, overall New York dwarfs Chicago as a financial center, but Chicago is the global leader in futures on agricultural commodities.Hong Kong has two specialized roles in two distinct sets of networks.

First, as the rivalry between Shanghai and Hong Kong has settled into a clearer division of function, Hong Kong’s role as the global gateway between China and reliable financial-industry regulators has taken on new importance. This role becomes particularly significant with the merger boom in global stock exchanges. New York Stock Exchange’s bid for Euronext (which comprises the Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam and Madrid exchanges) is not, like typical corporate mergers, merely about efficiency and strategy. They are especially about gaining access and diversifying regulatory jurisdictions. In this environment, Hong Kong’s value can only go up.

Second, Hong Kong is taking a stronger role in China’s development of a national capital market. A recent landmark deal illustrates this. For the first time a mainland bank, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, plans to go public with a dual listing in Hong Kong (for $12 billion) and Shanghai (for $3 billion). Usually mainland firms list in Hong Kong and try a second listing later in the United States or Europe. What this dual Hong Kong-Shanghai listing shows is the strengthening of the mainland capital market as whole, with Shanghai tapping Hong Kong’s greater wealth and global connectivity. Given China’s rising economic power, these dual roles virtually ensure that the naysayers will continue to be wrong about Hong Kong, even if its erstwhile rival continues its rise as well.

Categories: Uncategorized

Leadership and Political Vision in Young Singapore Politicians?

July 24, 2006 · No Comments

First appeared on www.singaporeangle.com

The article was written before the GE, but I think it still raises important issues and questions.

The next general election would have many first, amongst which will include the largest number of post 65 generation voters and perhaps politicians ever. However, are young Singapore politicians responsive to young Singaporeans’ concerns about the future of Singapore?

From the People’s Action Party (PAP), young ministers such as Tharman Shanmugaratnam and Vivian Balakrishnan have responded to the increasing demand from sophisticated young Singaporeans by reforming the education system, urging youths to participate actively in the remaking of Singapore and stressing the need to be consultative, open and transparent in policy making. Similarly, young Singaporeans have made their presence felt in the opposition parties. In the Worker’s Party, young members such as James Gomez and Yaw Shin Leong have made their rounds in targeted constituencies over the last few years. Some of WP members have also put up their blogs online to attract netizens to the cause of their party. Similarly, young members in the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) and the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) received some political training either overseas in international conferences (SDP) or in opposition held constituencies (SDA in Potong Pasir).

Many young Singaporeans are aware that the PAP can continue to provide economic security and good governance. They are also aware that opposition parties do play a role in highlighting alternative issues and policies. However, are young politicians on both side of the political spectrum doing enough to address young Singaporeans who are increasingly concerned about the long term future of Singapore?

The long term economic success and vision for Singapore has also been a concern for the PAP. The PAP has identified emerging economic zones such as China, India and the Middle East for Singapore’s long term investments and interests. The PAP government also realizes that Singaporeans cannot always compete with people in these countries because they will increasingly become as competitive as Singapore in many industries. The key then is to improve innovation outcomes in Singapore, measured by R&D expenditure as percentage of GDP, patent applications, human capital development, to deal with an increasingly globalized world.

However, in the absence of an overt open society, it is difficult for human capital to be innovative. To a certain extent, creativity on a large scale level can only flourish in competitive political, social and economic arena as well as an education system that not only encourages world class students, but world class innovators too. For example, in open polities such as Korea and Taiwan, their innovation outcomes flourish and currently exceed Singapore.

Moreover, a brilliant scientist that can generate many innovate outcomes in Singapore might also be interested in anti-death penalty activism as well as risqué entertainment. Are young PAP politicians able to persuade Singaporeans to move towards a society and formulate policies who can accept great scientists, politicians, social scientists and professionals who might be “eccentrics”?

On the other hand, the opposition parties’ panacea to Singapore’s future seems to be one of removing some existing political, social and economic institutions and regulations, such as the grassroot organizations and strict media and union laws to allow Singaporeans to deal with such issues themselves. Even as opposition parties believe in a more open society, radical institutional proposals overnight might be considered as an unwelcome “shock therapy”. For example, people in Hong Kong are able to grapple with their overall economic direction, social divides resulting from widening income gap and foreign labor tensions in the absence of strong political institutions because historically, they have been rather independent of state interventions. Will Singaporeans, who are so used to strong institutions and regulations, be able to function in a vacuum overnight?

Moreover, young political leaders should articulate a clear and dynamic plan for Singapore’s long term future in line with young Singaporeans’ interests. When young Tony Blair became the Prime Minister of Britain in 1997, he articulated a clear vision for a stronger, more equal and “cooler” Britain. These firm beliefs saw him reelected thrice by the British public, especially among young Brits, despite many political difficulties and challenges. David Cameron, the new 39 year old leader of the Conservative Party of Britain, has further identified with British youths’ increasing concern about the environment by adopting the traditional liberal democrats’ mantle of environmentalism in policy making despite ridicule from some of his traditional supporters. Can a young and visionary Tony Blair or David Cameron emerge in Singapore politics?

Straddling between well formed institutions and embracing new ideas necessary for the future of Singapore, on top of clearly articulating a long term vision for Singapore, are difficult tasks for young politicians in Singapore. But if young politicians and Singaporeans themselves do not try, will Singapore’s future be rudderless or worse still hopeless?

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Mainstream Media, "New" Media and Political discourse

July 22, 2006 · No Comments

Interesting News Number 3-Bernard Leong of Singapore Angle engages in a panel of three to discuss the issue of liberalization of media, Sze Meng was quoted too-My own take on why Satire can be mistaken for “truths”-Singapore politics is largely derived from humour. Remember the last time someone made fun of politics in a mainstream arean- Thinkcentre’s April Fool joke of contesting elections in 2001? Did it not go not so well? Should we not extend some humor into politics in the form of satire?

The Straits Times (Singapore)
July 22, 2006 Saturday
REVIEW - INSIGHT

HEADLINE: Did the Govt really shut down a bak chor mee stall?;
If it’s Internet chatter, it’s okay. But because it was published in a mainstream newspaper, it’s not. So said Minister Lee Boon Yang, explaining the Government’s stiff response to a newspaper column by blogger mr brown. Li Xueying sits in as MP Penny Low, blogger Bernard Leong and polytechnic lecturer Gan Su-Lin come together for a round-table discussion to discuss the role of the different media

The mr brown episode: its background
THERE was a jibe about revised roti prata prices; a far-out suggestion of cashcard chips embedded in foreheads, lampooning the Government’s infocomm masterplan; and personal observation about means testing for special schools.

To the casual reader, the mr brown column published in Today newspaper three weeks ago was one laced with humorous sarcasm. But the Government saw beyond the jokey tone and discerned something more insidious - a piece of ‘diatribe’ that is ‘calculated to encourage cynicism and despondency’.

The robust response from the Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts (Mica) to the column, in turn, spawned a train of reactions.

The newspaper dropped mr brown’s weekly column. Internet forums buzzed. Fellow bloggers wrote treatises on the subject.

In a way, the whole episode has come full circle. Mr Lee Kin Mun, 36, first came to public attention as mr brown the blogger. He was offered a writing stint in the Today newspaper because of his online popularity.

Now, with the newspaper suspending the column, he returns to writing just for blogosphere.

In the process, the episode has precipitated a debate on Internet content, the relationship between mainstream and Internet media and the relationship between the Government and both forms of media.

This is not the first run-in between netizens and the Government.

When Sintercom was asked to register as a political website in 2001, founder Tan Chong Kee shut it down. Last year, three bloggers were prosecuted for racist comments.

But the mr brown episode is a pathbreaker, in that it throws into relief the Government’s dual approach to online and mainstream media. This led to discussions on the evolving roles of both types of media.

Blogger Soon Sze Meng, a student, cited the Mica letter which stated: ‘It is not the role of journalists or newspapers in Singapore to champion issues, or campaign for or against the Government.’

Mr Soon questions if the Government has the authority to lay down the law on what newspapers can and cannot do. ‘Has the role of a journalist or the newspaper been legislated by Parliament? If so, which law(s) supported this statement within the reply issued?’

If an article is favourable to the ruling PAP, does that mean that the reporter is ‘a partisan player’, asks blogger Molly Meek.

The Government’s attempt to distinguish between content acceptable in mainstream and alternative media also drew attention.

Can such a distinction be made so clearly? Is it a false divide?

The mainstream media risks alienating readers and losing credibility if they do not reflect the buzz on the Internet, say some.

As Singabloodypore’s soci puts it, ‘to an older demographic, the Internet may be ‘less real’ but the young who will inherit Singapore are moving online’.

Last Sunday, MP Penny Low was accosted by an indignant 64-year-old woman.

‘I’m a party supporter but I’ve been hearing things,’ the woman said in Mandarin to the People’s Action Party politician.

‘Before the elections, the Government gave a number of goodies and therefore people voted for the PAP. But after the elections, the PAP got so tough they even shut down a bak chor mee stall!’

Startled, Ms Low asked for more details.

According to the elderly woman, the bak chor mee (minced meat noodles in Hokkien) seller wanted to sell more than just minced meat noodles at his stall, and had taken to adding two fishballs to each bowl of noodles he dished out.

The Government, she went on to say, then shut down the stall saying that ‘you either sell bak chor mee or you sell fishball noodles, but not a combination. If you want to sell fishball noodles, then you need to put six fishballs, not two’.

Asked where she heard this from, the woman replied confidently:

‘Gatherings.’

Ms Low recounts the story to make the point that there’s a segment of the Singapore population who are unable to discern rumour from truth, and who mistake satire for fact.

The bak chor mee and fishball noodle story was one that clearly poked fun at the Government’s recent attempt to draw a line between mainstream and online media, by telling mainstream media editors that what was acceptable online, was not necessarily acceptable in the mainstream media.

But a satirical story had come to be believed as fact.

This showed that while Singaporeans are free to express their opinions, says Ms Low, they must also be responsible and ‘be prepared that if we say something that is hearsay, then the party which is aggrieved reserves the right to pursue the issue’.

The story came up during a round-table discussion on media issues organised by Insight this week.

The others who took part were polytechnic lecturer Gan Su-Lin and blogger Bernard Leong.

They were asked their views on the ‘mr brown’ affair, when the Government ticked off the blogger for his column in the newspaper Today.

In his satirical column, Mr Lee Kin Mun, 36, commented that increases in taxi fare and electricity tariffs had come after the polls and at a time when a government survey showed a widening income gap.

Today later suspended the column, after the Ministry of Information, Communication and the Arts (Mica) issued a strong rebuttal.

Ms K. Bhavani, press secretary to Mica Minister Lee Boon Yang, had written: ‘If a columnist presents himself as a non-political observer while exploiting his access to the mass media to undermine the Government’s standing, then he’s no longer a constructive critic but a partisan player in politics.’

Dr Lee later added that if the column were just part of the ‘Internet chatter’, it would have been ignored.

But the Government had to respond as it appeared in a mainstream newspaper, he said, adding that a mainstream newspaper had to be objective, accurate and responsible.

Should different standards apply to the mainstream and Internet media? Panellists debated the issue.

Double standards

FOR now, the Government has drawn a clear line in saying that what is acceptable in the footloose and fancy-free cyberspace is not okay in the traditional media - newspapers and television.

It is clear that the Government holds both to different standards, and allows more leeway online.

But are such ‘double standards’ tenable in the long run?

Dr Gan, for one, thinks online content should be held to the same high standards as mainstream media.

‘At the risk of sounding like a pro-government flak, but given the pervasive, insidious reach of the Internet, I think that there is greater care that needs to be taken.’

Her experience as a lecturer has shown her that Singapore is still ‘a very immature, developing society dealing with an immature blogosphere’.

Students are IT-savvy - but undiscerning in sifting out the truth from hearsay, she says.

‘I believe in equity and fairness. I think what works for the gander works for the goose. If you want to disseminate information, you’ve got to be responsible about it.’

But she also adds that rather than censorship, it is ‘media literacy’ which is important, that is, educating people to become more discerning readers and viewers.

But as the panellists note, with media convergence being the buzzword of the day, and mainstream media companies boosting their online presence, the distinction between mainstream and online media is increasingly blurred.

The Straits Times, for instance, has a website and recently launched a new interactive portal called Stomp that includes celebrity bloggers.

Should such bloggers be subjected to the rules of the online world, or that of the offline mainstream media world?

Dr Leong, a research scientist and keen blogger, has this answer: Liberate the mainstream media and allow them the same degree of latitude given to online media.

One thing he is resolutely against, is subjecting online media to the controls imposed on the mainstream media.

He says: ‘If we want to encourage creativity and growth in Singapore, having laws to tighten control over online media will do the exact opposite.

‘It will be akin to suicide. It’s a matter of space, because once you tighten this space that people have, you will be restricting their freedom to express what they truly want to say.’

Transition period

WHILE Dr Gan wants online media to be subjected to the same standards as mainstream media, and Dr Leong wants both to enjoy the same freedom, Ms Low the MP adopts a stance somewhere in between.

She notes that cyber media content began as something on the fringe.

In contrast, ‘the mainstream media, for a long time, has always been seen as an authority of information’.

This echoes Dr Lee’s remarks that the mainstream media ‘must adopt this model that they are a part of the nation-building effort, rather than go out and purvey views that will mislead people, confuse people, which will undermine our national strategy’.

Cyber media, on the other hand, was ‘never meant to replace or even rival the mainstream media when it first started’, Ms Low adds.

She agrees with those who argue that the Internet has the potential to be ’self-regulating’ in the sense that wrong or extreme content will get shouted down by others.

But until that ideal self-regulating world comes about, Ms Low believes that rules, and ‘certain beacons and signposts’ help ensure that there is a ’smoother transition’.

But she cautions against taking too rigid an approach.

She says: ‘We do need to give some space for people to mature, to comment, and to banter. And I think that space is important in maturing a society’s thinking.’

The regulators themselves, she reckons, are feeling their way forward.

Reaction to Mica’s response

HENCE she thinks Mica’s response to the mr brown column was a ‘little bit too robust’.

‘While there is a need to clarify - and I think any government that is credible, that is responsible will need to make it clear to the population what is or is not the case - I think the language itself can be a little less emotive, and more communicative and persuasive,’ says the PAP MP.

‘I think the Government is also learning.’

She hastens to add that she agrees with the substance of the reply, adding: ‘The thing that really sells, that really gets off as a viral thought is always half-truths. And there were a lot of
it within the column.’

Changing roles

THE Internet may have started as niche and fringe, but at what point can it be considered ‘mainstream’ media?

Like Ms Low, Dr Leong points out that the blogosphere is evolving.

For one, there is greater aggregation of content.

For another, there’s a movement to raise cyber-etiquette standards. For instance, the blog Dr Leong contributes to, Singapore Angle, is made up of a number of professionals dedicated to ‘civil discourse’.

Far from purveying untruths, there are now blogs written by specialists such as a lawyer, known only as Mr Wang, who uses his legal knowledge to probe government policies, notes Dr Leong.

Over time, the distinction now made between traditional and online media will blur, as online media increases its reach and influence to become more mainstream.

In the meantime, having a stricter set of rules for traditional media hampers its ability to attract younger readers or viewers, he thinks.

This is why he would prefer to see in the mainstream media, the same free-for-all as in cyberspace.

Ms Low, too, believes that the role of the media is evolving.

Rather than have the Government lay down the law on what the role of each media should be, she thinks the issue should be raised for public discussion, and a social consensus forged.

‘Some of these issues can be better debated in the public space and the result put as feedback and consideration for both the Government and the media players to decide,’ she says.

Ms Low, who used to write a blog, believes in giving more space for self-expression.

She says: ‘If we believe this century to be the century of people power vis-a-vis military power in the 70s and maybe economic power more recently, then I think that space for people to express themselves has to be a little bit wider.’

xueying@sph.com.sg

Categories: Uncategorized

Biopolis is close, What are we losing out on?

July 22, 2006 · 1 Comment

Interesting News Number Two-What exactly is happening here? Is it the sign of things to come for collaborative efforts between NUS and foreign universities? How much is Singapore losing out? What are the roots of the problems? Can we solve it?
July
22, 2006 SaturdayJohns Hopkins, A*Star ‘headed for break-up’; Facility in Biopolis will close in a year, say staff of research and education tie-up
BYLINE: Liaw Wy-Cin and Teh Joo Lin

AN EIGHT-YEAR-OLD marriage between a top American medical institution, Johns Hopkins University, and Singapore’s Agency for Science, Technology and Research (A*Star) looks to be heading for a break-up, and a messy one at that. Staff of the research and education tie-up - Division of Biomedical Sciences, Johns Hopkins in Singapore - told The Straits Times that they had been informed early last month that the facility in Biopolis in North Buona Vista would close in a year.

Another indication of problems came from four local students who were awarded doctorate scholarships to study at the university in Baltimore. They too were told last month that the research division would no longer be funding their studies. When contacted, an A*Star spokesman described the problems as a period of ‘transition’ - a decision taken by the leadership of the American university and the agency to replace the current ‘operating model of collaboration’ with a ‘new model of partnership’ that is still being developed. But while the issues are worked out over the next 12 months, staff and faculty here will be given help to either relocate to Baltimore or find new employment in Singapore, said A*Star. As of March, there were a total of 60 staff, 13 of them faculty members. As for the four local students who were to pursue their graduate training in Baltimore, A*Star said: ‘Although A*Star is not obliged to do so, we have offered assistance to all four students to facilitate their entry to a PhD programme at a local university and where possible, we have offered them the opportunity to apply for an appropriate A*Star scholarship.’

Taking a different view of the situation was the spokesman for Johns Hopkins University, who said the university had done its part to recruit faculty and graduate students, as stipulated in its agreement with A*Star. The university maintains that its Singapore partner has not kept up its end of the deal in meeting its ‘financial and educational obligations’. ‘Although Johns Hopkins University has attempted to be as collegial as is possible during this very difficult phase, the displacement of outstanding junior faculty recruited from throughout the world, and the intense disruption of graduate student education, cannot be underestimated or dismissed.’ The spokesman added that this is a ‘reputational issue for Singapore and A*Star’ and that the university will continue to work to resolve faculty and student issues during this transition.

The recent developments came as a surprise to staff, some of whom had only recently relocated to Singapore. As late as March this year, an editorial in Johns Hopkins Singapore’s newsletter said the division ‘continues its recruitment efforts’. It also said it had ‘embarked on its education programme with a bang’, before going on to mention the four Singapore students who would receive the postgraduate scholarships. Johns Hopkins came to Singapore in 1998 to carry out research, education and patient care activities. p> It also set up a medical centre here, designated as Johns Hopkins Singapore’s clinical arm for patient care and clinical research. And while the research division has hit a rocky patch, the medical centre is expanding. The Johns Hopkins Singapore International Medical Centre last year moved from its original premises at the National University Hospital into a space at Tan Tock Seng Hospital that allowed it to see up to 750 new private patients each year.

wycin@sph.com.sg joolin@sph.com.sg

Categories: Uncategorized

Right or Wrong Model

July 22, 2006 · No Comments

So many interesting news today-Interesting News Number One-I think both Hong Kong and Singapore can learn from each other’s political system-Perhaps one need to liberalize and the other one need to democratize more….

South China Morning Post
July
22, 2006 Saturday
Singapore is the wrong model

Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen said on his recent trip to Singapore that there was much to learn from the city state’s experience in grooming political talent.

Although Mr Tsang stressed that he had no intention of following the Singapore model blindly, he was impressed by its government’s efficiency in implementing policies.

But Hong Kong would be better off learning from anything but Singapore’s autocratic political system. The two places differ a great deal: Hong Kong is not a nation. Nor does it have a history of anti-colonial or independence movements. It would be impossible for a powerful ruling group like Singapore’s People’s Action Party to emerge in Hong Kong.

Leaders of the Hong Kong government will never have the chance to become another Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s minister mentor. Our Basic Law says the chief executive is only head of the special administrative region, and is responsible to the mainland government.

Nor would Singapore’s practice of offering market-competitive salaries - to lure talent from the private sector into politics - work in Hong Kong. The level of pay for senior officials in this city is already much higher than that in the private sector.

Further, many people join the government for reasons other than money. Those who gave up highly paid jobs to enter public service include former financial secretary Antony Leung Kam-chung, former health chief Yeoh Eng-kiong and Home Affairs Secretary Patrick Ho Chi-ping. This proves that big pay cheques are not the only way to recruit political talent.

Hong Kong could learn a lot more from its own past, than from Singapore, about attracting political talent. The abolition of the Urban Council and the old District Council by the then chief executive, Tung Chee-hwa, has curbed the development of politics.

The old system, if restored, would provide a breeding ground for those who want to pursue careers in politics. Pay levels and retirement protection for lawmakers should also be improved, and the Legislative Council should have more resources to raise the professional standard of lawmakers.

In colonial days, many members of the Executive Council and Legco came from the business sector or universities. Employees of large British firms, like former Exco members Baroness Lydia Dunn and Vincent Cheng Hoi-chuen, were allowed to pursue careers in politics while staying in their professions.

Academics were also active in politics in the past. All the government needs to do is open its doors to people of capability from all walks of life.

Today, some businessmen feel they must be secretive about supporting politicians in Exco and Legco. If universal suffrage is introduced in Hong Kong, participation in politics should be made a normal part of life. The business sector, especially Chinese enterprises, should also be ready to nurture its own political representatives.

This would be a much more effective way of seeking talent than creating a new level of political appointees, as proposed by Mr Tsang. Further, veterans of the business world have long years of training that make them more useful than recruits from political parties - like Gary Chan Hak-kan, special assistant in the Chief Executive’s Office.

The administration could also follow the example of Canada, by allowing civil servants to participate in politics - while retaining their government positions without pay.

Political development has been completely different in Hong Kong and Singapore. Hong Kong should learn from its own past, and find its own way of grooming political talent. That would pave the way for a more democratic political system.

-Albert Cheng King-hon is a directly elected legislator

Categories: Uncategorized

Singapore "Martyr"?

July 20, 2006 · No Comments

Latest Far Eastern Economic Review’s article on Singapore Politics

Singapore’s ‘Martyr,’ Chee Soon Juan
July/August 2006

By Hugo Restall

Striding into the Chinese restaurant of Singapore’s historic Fullerton Hotel, Chee Soon Juan hardly looks like a dangerous revolutionary. Casually dressed in a blue shirt with a gold pen clipped to the pocket, he could pass as just another mild-mannered, apolitical Singaporean. Smiling, he courteously apologizes for being late—even though it is only two minutes after the appointed time.

Nevertheless, according to prosecutors, this same man is not only a criminal, but a repeat offender. The opposition party leader has just come from a pre-trial conference at the courthouse, where he faces eight counts of speaking in public without a permit. He has already served numerous prison terms for this and other political offenses, including eight days in March for denying the independence of the judiciary. He expects to go to jail again later this year.

Mr. Chee does not seem too perturbed about this, but it drives Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong up the wall. Asked about his government’s persecution of the opposition during a trip to New Zealand last month, Mr. Lee launched into a tirade of abuse against Mr. Chee. “He’s a liar, he’s a cheat, he’s deceitful, he’s confrontational, it’s a destructive form of politics designed not to win elections in Singapore but to impress foreign supporters and make himself out to be a martyr,” Mr. Lee ranted. “He’s deliberately going against the rules because he says, ‘I’m like Nelson Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi. I want to be a martyr.’”

Coming at the end of a trip in which the prime minister essentially got a free ride on human rights from his hosts—New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark didn’t even raise the issue—this outburst showed a lack of self-control and acumen. Former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, the man who many believe still runs Singapore and who is the current prime minister’s father, has said much the same things about Mr. Chee—“a political gangster, a liar and a cheat”—but that was at home, and in the heat of an election campaign.

Mr. Chee smiles when it’s suggested that he must be doing something right. “Every time he says something stupid like that, I think to myself, the worst thing to happen would be to be ignored. That would mean we’re not making any headway,” he agrees.

But one charge made by the government does stick: Mr. Chee is not terribly concerned about election results. Which is just as well, because his Singapore Democratic Party did not do very well in the May 6 polls. It would be foolish, he suggests, for an opposition party in Singapore to pin its hopes on gaining one, or perhaps two, seats in parliament. He is aiming for a much bigger goal: bringing down the city-state’s one-party system of government. His weapon is a campaign of civil disobedience against laws designed to curtail democratic freedoms.

“You don’t vote out a dictatorship,” he says. “And basically that’s what Singapore is, albeit a very sophisticated one. It’s not possible for us to effect change just through the ballot box. They’ve got control of everything else around us.” Instead what’s needed is a coalition of civil society and political society coming together and demanding change—a color revolution for Singapore.

So far Mr. Chee doesn’t seem to be getting much, if any traction. While many Singaporeans don’t particularly like the PAP’s arrogant style of government, the ruling party has succeeded in depoliticizing the population to the extent that anybody who presses them to take action to make a change is regarded with resentment. And in a climate of fear—Mr. Chee lost his job as a psychology lecturer at the national university soon after entering opposition politics—a reluctance to get involved is hardly surprising.

Why is all this oppression necessary in a peaceful and prosperous country like Singapore where citizens otherwise enjoy so many freedoms? Mr. Chee has his own theory that the answer lies with strongman Lee Kuan Yew himself: “Why is he still so afraid? I honestly think that through the years he has accumulated enough skeletons in his closet that he knows that when he is gone, his son and the generations after him will have a price to pay. If we had parliamentary debates where the opposition could pry and ask questions, I think he is actually afraid of something like that.”

That raises the question of whether Singapore deserves its reputation for squeaky-clean government. A scandal involving the country’s biggest charity, the National Kidney Foundation, erupted in 2004 when it turned out that its Chief Executive T.T. Durai was not only drawing a $357,000 annual salary, but the charity was paying for his first-class flights, maintenance on his Mercedes, and gold-plated fixtures in his private office bathroom.

The scandal was a gift for the opposition, which naturally raised questions about why the government didn’t do a better job of supervising the highly secretive NKF, whose patron was the wife of former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong (she called Mr. Durai’s salary “peanuts”). But it had wider implications too. The government controls huge pools of public money in the Central Provident Fund and the Government of Singapore Investment Corp., both of which are highly nontransparent. It also controls spending on the public housing most Singaporeans live in, and openly uses the funds for refurbishing apartment blocks as a bribe for districts that vote for the ruling party. Singaporeans have no way of knowing whether officials are abusing their trust as Mr. Durai did.

It gets worse. Mr. Durai’s abuses only came to light because he sued the Straits Times newspaper for libel over an article detailing some of his perks. Why was Mr. Durai so confident he could win a libel suit when the allegations against him were true? Because he had done it before. The NKF won a libel case in 1998 against defendants who alleged it had paid for first-class flights for Mr. Durai. This time, however, he was up against a major bulwark of the regime, Singapore Press Holdings; its lawyers uncovered the truth.

Singaporean officials have a remarkable record of success in winning libel suits against their critics. The question then is, how many other libel suits have Singapore’s great and good wrongly won, resulting in the cover-up of real misdeeds? And are libel suits deliberately used as a tool to suppress questioning voices?

The bottling up of dissent conceals pressures and prevents conflicts from being resolved. For instance, extreme sensitivity over the issue of race relations means that the persistence of discrimination is a taboo topic. Yet according to Mr. Chee it is a problem that should be debated so that it can be better resolved. “The harder they press now, the stronger will be the reaction when he’s no longer around,” he says of Lee Kuan Yew.

The paternalism of the PAP also rankles, especially since foreigners get more consideration than locals. The World Bank and International Monetary Fund will hold their annual meeting in Singapore this fall, and have been trying to convince the authorities to allow the usual demonstrations to take place. The likely result is that international NGO groups will be given a designated area to scream and shout. “So we have a situation here where locals don’t have the right to protest in their own country, while foreigners are able to do that,” Mr. Chee marvels. Likewise, Singaporeans can’t organize freely into unions to negotiate wages; instead a National Wages Council sets salaries with input from the corporate sector, including foreign chambers of commerce.

All these tensions will erupt when strongman Lee Kuan Yew dies. Mr. Chee notes that the ruling party is so insecure that Singapore’s founder has been unable to step back from front-line politics. The PAP still needs the fear he inspires in order to keep the population in line. Power may have officially passed to his son, Lee Hsien Loong, but even supporters privately admit that the new prime minister doesn’t inspire confidence.

During the election, Prime Minister Lee made what should have been a routine attack on multiparty democracy: “Suppose you had 10, 15, 20 opposition members in parliament. Instead of spending my time thinking what is the right policy for Singapore, I’m going to spend all my time thinking what’s the right way to fix them, to buy my supporters’ votes, how can I solve this week’s problem and forget about next year’s challenges?” But of course the ominous phrases “buy votes” and “fix them” stuck out. That is the kind of mistake, Mr. Chee suggests, Lee Sr. would not make.

“He’s got a kind of intelligence that would serve you very well when you put a problem in front of him,” he says of the prime minister. “But when it comes to administration or political leadership, when you really need to be media savvy and motivate people, I think he is very lacking in that area. And his father senses it as well.”

However, the elder Mr. Lee’s death—he is now 82—is a necessary but not sufficient condition for change. Another big factor is how civil society is able to use new technologies to bypass PAP control over information and free speech. The government has tried to stifle political filmmaking, blogging and podcasting. Singapore Rebel, a 2004 film about Mr. Chee by independent artist Martyn See, was banned but is widely available on the Internet.

Meanwhile, pressure for Singapore to remain competitive in the region has sparked debate about the government’s dominant role in the economy. Can a top-down approach promote creativity and independent thinking? The need for transparency and accountability also means that Singapore will have to change. That is the source of Mr. Chee’s optimism in the face of all his setbacks: “I realize that Singapore is not at that level yet. But we’ve got to start somewhere. And I’m prepared to see this out, in the sense that in the next five, 10, 15 years, time is on our side. We need to continue to organize and educate and encourage. And it will come.”

He doesn’t dwell on his personal tribulations, but mentions in passing selling his self-published books on the street. That is his primary source of income to feed his family, along with the occasional grant. As to the charge of wanting to be a martyr, once he started dissenting, he found it impossible to stop in good conscience. “The more you got involved, the more you found out what they’re capable of, it steels you, so you say, ‘No, I will not back down.’ It makes you more determined.”

Perhaps it’s in his genes. One of Mr. Chee’s daughters is old enough that she had to be told that her father was going to prison. She stood up before her class and announced, “My papa is in jail, but he didn’t do anything wrong. People have just been unfair to him.”

Mr. Restall is editor of the REVIEW.

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Innovative versus Democratic Outcomes

July 17, 2006 · No Comments

Is there a direct link between innovation outcomes, measured by percentage of research and development expenditure in GNP, number of patent applications and technology index rank, and the level of openess in a polity as measured by Freedom House Index and other similar indexs? Running a simple regression analysis and reading some anecdotal argument seems to suggest there is indeed a strong relationship between innovation outcomes and level of openess in a polity. However, are Korea and Taiwan outliers and if so, why are they outliers? Have they become more “innovative” after democratization? Or is it simply historical?

What is the relantionship between “innovation outcomes” and “democratic outcomes”? Is a less open polity neccessarily less “innovative”?

My unpublished ST letter some months ago during the “open society” debate in the media

Debate must move beyond whether Singapore is an open society

I refer to the ongoing debate in the media of whether Singapore is an open society.

Whether or not Singapore society is open or not is contestable. What is more important though is that for those who think Singapore is an open society, they should also too believe that further opening up of the Singapore polity is beneficial for Singapore, especially in order for young Singaporeans to compete in an increasingly globalised and democratic world.

I believe that Singapore’s further opening up of its polity would encourage more innovation and critical thinking in the society that is beneficial for all Singaporeans. Korea and Taiwan, which are considered open polities, have high innovation outcomes. Innovation outcomes, measured by percentage of research and development expenditure in GNP, number of patent applications and technology index rank, are higher in Korea and Taiwan than Singapore.

It is simplistic of course to assume that innovation outcomes are directly linked to how democratic a country is. There are other many factors too. But one finds hard to deny that the open polity in these countries foster critical thinking, high citizenry participation among diaspora, greater empathy with the community and diversity in education and freedom of expression. Young citizens in these countries are able to pursue their own interest independent of state economic focus, have extensive depth and breadth of knowledge of the world and generally not afraid to take a stand on issues ranging from cloning ethnics to freedom to abortion rights. More importantly, they are quietly confident that even if they are unable to secure an iron rice bowl or stay in a professional vocation forever, they believe that their critical writing, presentation and ideas would assist them to compete in a world when innovation is going to more important than mere efficiency and efficacy.

I always find it problematic when some Singaporeans I speak to look at the world in black and white, lack the nuances to discuss present issues and generally repeat the verbatim taught in schools. Are Singaporeans, as intelligent and open as they are, able to understand that the future of Singapore in a globalised world depends more on creative ideas based on a community of creative class rather than a highly efficient nation without contestation of ideas?

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Parallax Visions-Making Sense of American-EA Relations

July 16, 2006 · No Comments


Observing the latest N Korean Crisis, perhaps it is timely to read this excellent book. He also has some interesting things to say about Singapore in his book.

Review
In a work that synthesizes crucial developments in international relations at the close of the twentieth century, Bruce Cumings—a leading historian of contemporary East Asia—provides a nuanced understanding of how the United States has loomed over the modern history and culture of East Asia. By offering correctives to widely held yet largely inaccurate assessments of the affairs of this region, Parallax Visions shows how relations between the United States, Japan, Vietnam, North and South Korea, China, and Taiwan have been structured by their perceptions and misperceptions of each other. Using information based on thirty years of research, Cumings offers a new perspective on a wide range of issues that originated with the cold war—with particular focus on the possibly inappropriate collaboration between universities, foundations, and intelligence agencies. Seeking to explode the presuppositions that Americans usually bring to the understanding of our relations with East Asia, the study ranges over much of the history of the twentieth century in East Asian–American relations—Pearl Harbor, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Korean War, and more recent difficulties in U.S. relations with China and Japan. Cumings also rebuts U.S. media coverage of North Korea’s nuclear diplomacy in the 1990s and examines how experiences of colonialism and postcolonialism have had varying effects on economic development in each of these countries. Positing that the central defining experience of twentieth-century East Asia has been its entanglement first with British and Japanese imperialism, and then with the United States, Cumings ends with a discussion of how the situation could change over the next century as the economic and political global clout of the United States declines.

Illuminating the sometimes self-deluded ideology of cold war America, Parallax Visions will engage historians, political scientists, and students and scholars of comparative politics and social theory, as well as readers interested in questions of modernity and the role of the United States in shaping the destinies of modernizing societies in Asia.

About the Author
Bruce Cumings is Norman and Edna Freehling Professor of History at the University of Chicago. He has won numerous awards and is the author of the acclaimed books Korea’s Place in the Sun, War and Television, and The Origins of the Korean War. Cumings writes regularly for The Nation, the Atlantic Monthly, the Los Angeles Times, and the New York Times Book Review.

See Another Review by Fall 2000 issue of the Journal of Asia-Pacific Affairs

Excerpts from this review
[One has come to expect Cumings to challenge conventional doctrine about Korea, and he does not disappoint here. Cumings rejects the image of North Korea as a crazy, unpredictable, rogue regime. He argues that North Korea is not really hard to understand because "its mind is concentrated by the power asymmetries," but that analysts in the U.S. do not have any "felt necessity to know (the) enemy." To most Americans the Korean civil war is a long ago, forgotten war, but the legacy of that conflict is "something the Pyongyang leadership deals with every day."]

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Who says Singapore Arts Scene is boring?

July 13, 2006 · 3 Comments


I rarely post publicity for external events but this Sounds like a fascinating play not to be missed! Go Wild Rice!

W!LD RICE
presents
Eleanor Wong’s
THE CAMPAIGN TO CONFER THE PUBLIC SERVICE STAR ON JBJ

WORLD PREMIERE

David Lee (Rodney Oliveiro), NUS student and President of the Association of Students for Self Expression (ASS), takes it upon himself to launch The Campaign to confer the Public Service Star on JBJ. His plucky project takes him on an amazing adventure with both expected and surprising twists and turns.

Clara Tang (Pam Oei), rising star of the Civil Service, is tasked to exercise damage control. In the most challenging mission of her career, she finds herself navigating the maze of New Singapore and Old Constraints.

Join us for a tongue-in-cheek look at the boundaries (perceived or otherwise) of fearless expression in Singapore! This fantastical account of an unlikely petition to publicly recognise an unsung hero unfolds into a wildly imaginative “what-if” exploration of possible official reactions!

Could this ever happen in Singapore?

Remember, objects in the mirror might be closer than they appear.

Celebrated playwright and lawyer Eleanor Wong writes her first full-length play since her ground-breaking trilogy Invitation to Treat with characteristic incisiveness, boldness and razor sharp wit. Directed by Ivan Heng, and with Pam Oei and Rodney Oliveiro creating a cast of at least ten, this promises to be an exciting, thought-provoking roller coaster ride.

Audience Advisory :

“Contains whimsy, satire, parody and copious amounts of exaggerated comedy. If you are on a strict diet of literal fare or are easily offended by irreverence, please consult your MP before attending.”

Directed by: Ivan Heng

Cast: Pam Oei, Rodney Oliveiro

The Art and Life Sessions: “New Country, Old Constraints”

Feedback Friday: Post Show Discussion on 11 August, immediately after the show.

(please visit the following website for more details)
www.singaporetheatrefestival.com
· No Comments

The AFP version of our ST spin?

The Associated Press
July
12, 2006 Wednesday

Singapore government investment company averaged 5.3 percent in returns over 25 year

The Government of Singapore Investment Corp. averaged an inflation-adjusted return of 5.3 percent annually over the past quarter century, its chairman said as he revealed the secretive company’s investment performance for the first time.

The unadjusted return in U.S. dollar terms has been 9.5 percent annually, Lee Kuan Yew, modern Singapore’s founder and former prime minister, said in a speech Tuesday marking the company’s 25th anniversary.

The firm, also known as the GIC, was set up to manage the city-state’s foreign reserves. It started in 1981 with several billion Singapore dollars of assets and now oversees “well over” $100 billion, Lee said.

The International Monetary Fund has criticized the GIC’s lack of financial disclosure, saying in a report published in May that Singapore’s “fiscal transparency has improved but further steps are needed.”

The exact size of the reserves managed by GIC has never been publicly revealed. Audit reports are provided to Singapore’s president and to the Ministry of Finance, which is headed by Lee Kuan Yew’s son, the current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.

Temasek Holdings Pte Ltd., also a Singapore government owned investment company, has been making its financial performance public through an annual review in the past two years. Temasek manages about $66 billion of assets.

Lee has been chairman of the GIC board since the company’s inception.

GIC officials said Tuesday the company will invest a larger proportion of its funds in emerging markets and private equity over the coming years.

About 40 percent to 45 percent of GIC’s assets are in the United States, with about a quarter in Europe. Japan accounts for about 8 percent to 10 percent of the investments, they said.

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