The Anti Neo-Democracy Theorist

Entries from December 2006

Top Fifteen political events of the year-Part III

December 31, 2006 · No Comments

8) July 2006- The Mr Brown Affair

The Mr Brown Affair, which saw popular TODAY columnist and blogger Mr Brown suspended, reflects the differences between the attitudes taken by the authorities towards the mainstream media as well as the alternative media online. The authorities were prepared to allow such an article to be published online but not in the mainstream press.It was unfortunate that Mr Brown was suspended for an article meant to be a satire, as the authorities probably felt that ordinary Singaporeans might have taken it as a “cynical” attitude towards governance in Singapore. Even so, I have argued that future collaboration between writers of the mainstream and alternative media is possible and desirable, even though it seems like a pipedream–for the time being.

7) August 2006- IMF/WB meeting

The IMF/WB meeting in Singapore was an exercise in limiting globalization by the Singapore government. While facilitating overseas guests to come to Singapore with the ‘Million Smiles Campaign’ kicking off by PM Lee, selective entry was given to global civil society activists. It seemed that under the pressure of the IMF and WB, Singapore relented and allowed 22 out of the 28 ‘banned’ activists in. The Financial Times put Chee Soon Juan’s protests in Hong Lim Park on the front page, while Mdm Lim Hwee Hwa regretted such actions taken by the foreign media in the Straits Times. Overall, many international guests were impressed with Singapore’s efficiency and competence in holding the event. As always, the PR for the action to ban activists can be dealt with better, especially when Minister Wong Kan Seng seemed to threaten to cane activists that did not comply with our laws.

6) August-September 2006- Rise in Civil Society and Theater Activism

The inaugural Talkingcock in Parliament was organized by Colin Goh of talkingcock. I am sure many have saw the Ruby Ban or Hossan Leong’s video on youtube and other online media. It was well attended and spoke volumes on decreasing apathy for all things political among Singaporeans.

In addition, the Thinkcentre organized a youth forum called “Planting Seeds: Youths in Politics and Civil Society.” Numerous socio-political plays such as the slew of plays during the inaugural Singapore Theater Festival were held. Who can ever forget Oliverio and Oei’s excellent performances at the “Campaign to confer the public service star on JBJ”?

5) October 2006- The Resurgence of Law Society under Philip Jeya?

Excerpt from the ST report in Oct 28:

“LAW Society president Philip Jeyaretnamcalled for the body to be given the freedom to speak out on issues outside the legal profession in 2006, but the Law Ministry does not look likely to agree. Since 1986, the society has been bound by tight laws limiting its scope to comment on matters like civil liberties, after it went head-to-head with the Government in a tussle over the issue.”

Given that many politicians and activists in Singapore are lawyers, will a more outspoken Law Society be a training ground for more articulate, observant and emphatic politicians in the future?


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Top Fifteen Political Events of 2006 (Part II)

December 30, 2006 · No Comments

12) April 2006- PAP manages to attract one liberal candidate; Surprising number of good candidates from the WP

A ST reports in April 2006 as below:
” HE IS a political science graduate from the University of California at Berkeley and now completes the Workers’ Party line-up of likely candidates to stand in East Coast GRC. Mr Perry Tong, 35, joined the party three years ago at the invitation of executive council member Melvin Tan, whom he met in 2003.”

In retrospect, the WP managed to field credible candidates in the last election, with many professionals contesting in various wards. Friends I spoke to were particularly impressed with candidates Sylvia Lim, Chia Ti Lik and Yaw Shin Leong. Their credible candidates translate into credible election results for the party overall, with PM Lee reckoning that people voted for the “WP brand” rather than individual candidates.

Also, it should be heartening that the PAP has managed to get a more liberal candidate in the form of Baey Kim Yang to stand for the election. Not only has he spoken up for more press freedom in parliament, he continues to make an impact on the arts scene with his upcoming play, “International Marriage Forum“. People who miss MP Tan Cheng Bock and MP Leong Horn Kee would hope that Baey will live up to their expectations.

11) April 2006-Young Journalists Question Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew on Singapore’s freedoms

It was considered a watershed event where journalists from the Singapore media questioned Mr Lee Kuan Yew on various freedoms and responsibilities in Singapore. Not only was the outcome of the Q & A session controversial with many debating the “tone” of the young Singapore journalists, it also shed light on the future of Singapore journalism. The question becomes, “If the Singapore mainstream media could be more open, isn’t it likely that press reporting will become more pluralistic with these young journalists?”

1o) May 2006-The James Gomez Affair

The James Gomez affair was retrospectively, a strange one. One main reason was that while Mr. Gomez was probably quite rude to the civil servant(s), was the resulting widespread coverage of PAP’s artillery against the WP over this incident by the mainstream media actually less conductive to PAP’s chances in the election? The Bak Chok Mee Podcast made the blogsphere famous. Even academias and political watchers are divided over the effect of Gomez affair. My own take is that the overall effect of the Gomez Affair helped the PAP more than the WP, because it reinforced the lack of quality of opposition in some Singaporeans’ minds. In any case, it dominated the GE 2006, disappointing some who looked forward to a contest of ideas rather than contest of personalities.

9) June 2006-That IPS Post Election Survey

The Institute of Policy Studies’ post-election survey was probably the most important academic research that came out from 2006, but yet everyone seems to be shunning it, from bloggers who claim it was pro-government research to journalists who pooh pooh academia’s lack of actual “ground” political experiences. (Did anyone read the methodology?)

The results remain important and beg significant future research, even to critics who criticize it on methodological grounds.

Fairness of government’s policies came out top in Singaporeans’ concern. Post-65ers were not as “pluralistic” as thought to be, compared to older Singaporeans. Why weren’t bread and butter issues, as claimed by political parties, the top five issues then? Are young people so socialized by our education system to support a certain party, then even if they are indignant on the issue of the issue “fairness of government’s policies”, their ideological stand on being “conservative” won out in the end?

More to come…stay tuned

Categories: Uncategorized

Top Fifteen Political Events of 2006

December 26, 2006 · No Comments

My take on the top 15 political and social events that occurred in Singapore in the year 2006. It will be posted in few posts. (In chronological order rather than ‘importance’)

Jan 2006-
15) PAP asserts that WP manifesto has 4 timebombs

It was perhaps the first indication that the GE 2006 will be a fierce political battle. With PAP leaders criticizing the first party that released its manifesto, it was heavy artillery on Low’s new outfit from the beginning. It stuck on some voters that the WP might be too “communalistic” in its policies, but as part of the good strategy taken by the oldest political party, the manifesto turned out to be well researched and thought out. Although one might ask, “What is the point of a manifesto of a party that cannot [never] win power?” A WP supporter might reply, “To show that we are a credible party.”

Feb 2006-
14) Academias and Nominated MPs become more vocal in voicing political concerns

PANELLISTS at a Feb political forum forum on ‘The (In)Significance of Political Elections in Singapore’, organised by the National University of Singapore’s (NUS) political science department, lamented the lack of political choice in Singapore and said this would hurt the country in the long term. They said it was important to have more contests during elections or voters might well lose their ability to make such choices.

‘There is a rather depressing effect. No matter how diverse the views of those they attract into the PAP, they undergo some kind of transformation into ‘homo-PAPsters’,’ Dr Ger Min, an NMP said.

It was an indication that perhaps intellectuals were a little more open in calling for greater political openness. Did it materialize? Perhaps it did, with Cherian George calling the coverage of the opposition by the mainstream media during the GE 2006 one of the best in recent years. In addition, PM Lee did not change much the boundaries of the GRC for the 2006 election, making Chiam’s infamous remark of “shifting goalposts” less relevant.

March 2006 and beyond-
13) Reaching out to the youths politically; intensification and new approaches by the ruling party

Speaking at Anglo-Chinese Junior College in March 2006, Minister for Manpower and Second Minister for Defence Ng Eng Hen told the students that each one had the potential to be a ‘change agent’ for Singapore.He said he hoped that ‘in 30 years’ time, there would be seated among you leaders of Singapore’.Dr Ng, a former student of the school, was the guest of honour at the junior college’s 120th Founders’ Day.

Even before March 2005, In August 2004, 2,000 youths including students, working adults, disabled youths and overseas Singaporeans took part in a Youth Consultation Exercise. 120 of them then organized themselves into four work groups and came up with proposals they submitted to the Government in April. More than half have been accepted for implementation and some others are under review. The Minister of Youth, Dr Vivian Balakriskan, remarked after the exercise that the “Overall that level of trust and engagement has improved. You can see that this is a sincere government open to ideas.”[1] Youths also mentioned that this exercise demonstrated to them that the government is sincere in seeking out their views and ideas.[2]

The recent ‘Hip Hop’ efforts by post 65 MPs is a cumulation of these efforts to reach out to younger Singaporeans, although post 65 MP Hri Kumar seems to question the wisdom of pushing that too far in a PAP conference.

The dilemma is still somewhat apparent, “How do we reach out to the wider youth community that does not really understand or appreciate the nuances of Singapore politics?” Can we blame youths when they know more about the coming and goings of American and Chinese politics than our own country? How do we retain people who feel passionate about Singapore but yet does not wholly subscribe to the ‘wide umbrella’ of the ruling party? Is lower taxation sufficient to keep the Singapore talents in the country? Can monetary benefits induce loyalty in the long run? Are ordinary youths important to Singapore? Are knowledge of constitutional rights, political history taught neutrally, historical trajectory of civil society, less propaganda in schools and army so dangerous to the Singapore polity?


[1] Channelnewsasia. July 6, 2005.

[2] Channelnewsasia, July 8, 2005.

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Revisiting the NMP Question-Representation without Election?

December 20, 2006 · 3 Comments


Revisiting the NMP Candidates-Heartening or Problematic?

Should one feel heartened that a high number of 37 candidates applied for the Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP)
Scheme? Or does it also signify a deficit in the current political system that needs to be addressed?

The candidates come from very diverse background. Of those who responded to the press, many of them are professionals in their own field and claim to be able to speak for a certain segment of the Singapore society. For example, Ms Tan Wee King, president of the Singapore Nurses Association, wishes to speak up on behalf of front-line nursing staff on health care concerns. Dr Ameen Talib, from the Muslim professional organization AMP, should also be looking into representing its organization’s interest. Mr Chandran-Dudley, President of the Disabled Association of Singapore, would want to represent the interests of the disabled in an ‘inclusive’ society.

It also seems that many of them are of a younger age group. 25-year-old Wilson Ang, president of the Environmental Challenge Organisation wants to speak up on behalf of the environment as well as youth concerns. 28-year-old Louis Ng who is the executive director of the Animal Concerns Research and Education Society (Acres) wants to educate the young on the welfare of animal.

The NMP system, which has been decried by the opposition parties as undemocratic, should feel some of its own criticisms deflected when 2006 GE opposition candidate Elvin Ong, a Singapore Democratic Alliance Candidate in the last election, turned in his nomination papers to be a NMP.

I will like to pose some questions with such a phenomenon :

1) Does it reflect a sense of political awakening after the GE 2006, where Dana Lam of Days of being wild; GE 2006 Walking the line with the opposition argues occurred? Are more people, especially young Singaporeans, willing to speak up for the different sectors of society in parliament? It also seems that the candidates this round seem to be less connected to the government, compared to the usual labor candidates?

2) Why are so many young Singaporeans so ready to sign up for the NMP system? Is it a risk-adverse position as compared to joining the fray of partisan politics? What kind of message are we sending out if Singaporeans only wish to speak in parliament without any linkages to the wider community? Will this phenomena create ironically a “less open and inclusive society”, where each NMP argues for their own societal interests and not taking into account the wider interests of society?

3) Does the NMP system reflect the state of civil society in Singapore? If the civil society in Singapore is strong and confident enough to reflect their bottom-up approaches through strengthening grassroots support, is there a need for so many of them to seek representation in a parliament that is essentially “top-down” in many aspects?

4) Does it also reflect deficits in our electoral and political system? If we have a more even playing field in political contestation, leading to more inclusive and strong parties, would such a phenomenon occur? If some of these NMP candidates can find a place in partisan politics, such as joining a more inclusive PAP and or a strengthened WP, will they seek the NMP positions so eagerly?

5) Should NMPs and our Singapore parliamentarians try to introduce more private member bills, such as the Maintence of Parents Bill introduced by Walter Woon? No doubt, it takes much legal expertise and external help to draft a bill, but can’t 9 NMPs, 3 opposition and 60 PAP backbenchers do what a cabinet of 20 does on a regular basis?

6) Are environmental and youth issues not taken up adequately by political parties that so many candidates want to speak up on these issues? How will Green Politics evolve in Singapore in the near future? Will a Green Party in Singapore emerge or will they stick to civil advocacy and NMP representation?

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Can Singapore handle NY’s Buzz?

December 14, 2006 · 2 Comments

Interesting article in TODAY but a little bit of over-romanticisation of New York and its people?

Can S’pore handle New York’s buzz?

Goh Kok Huat

It was the kind of day that New Yorkers savour: Sunny, with glorious blue sky that occasionally occurs in the short, sultry summer months. I took a walk in Central Park and wandered into the meadows, dotted with sun-soaked bodies in varying degrees of decency. It struck me, then, that half of Manhattan is not populated by New Yorkers but by people from different shores.

This is perhaps the Singapore we want and that has become a national preoccupation since Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong sketched his vision of Singapore as a vibrant cosmopolitan city, full of foreign talents, where the citizens of the world can feel at ease.

When I first relocated to New York for work several months ago, a colleague gave me a book containing a concise and remarkable essay written by EB White in 1948.

He wrote: “There are roughly three New Yorks. There is first, the New York of the man or woman who was born here who takes the city for granted and accepts its size and its turbulence as natural and inevitable. Second, there is the New York of the commuter — the city that is devoured by locusts each day and spat out each night. Third, there is the New York of the person who was born somewhere else and came to New York in quest of something.

“Of these three trembling cities the greatest is the last — the city of final destination, the city that is the goal. It is the third city that accounts for New York’s high-strung disposition, its poetical deportment, its dedication to the arts and its incomparable achievements.”
New York, in 1948, was a city of migrants. Today, everywhere I turn since I arrived here tells me that it is still one. It is only a city of America by virtue of its geography and political construct; it is really a city of the world by virtue of the people that live in it.

The friends I showed around New York one afternoon asked the driver of every yellow cab where he was from. One was from Pakistan, another from Bangladesh, and so on.

I can hardly remember ever hopping into a cab where the driver had a native New Yorker’s accent. More often than not, they are from Nigeria, China or another far-flung place.

The eight people who form the immediate circle in my office is another interesting group of nationalities: An Argentinian, two Indians, one German, a Beijing-born Chinese, two Americans and now a Singaporean.

The result of this tremendous melting pot is an incredibly vibrant city that constantly surprises.

In Manhattan, the epicentre of New York, I am always amazed at what I can find 24/7. Recently, I took my Singaporean friends to a Japanese brasserie. They make tofu fresh, every hour on the hour, and it’s the finest I have tasted anywhere. Nobu, the fine-dining restaurant synonymous with great Japanese food worldwide, started out in New York City.

An email I received from an Indian deli boldly proclaimed that Tiffins-style deliveries (based on the famous Mumbai service) are available in Manhattan. Even Singapore and Malaysian cuisines are amply represented. The roti prata served in the Penang Cafe and Singapore Restaurant is as good as that in Seletar. Friends ask if I miss Singapore food; the answer is no.

Music is another case in point. Wander into Central Park on a summer weekend afternoon, and you will find impromptu performances, sometimes R&B, or reggae or Latin, and often all at once, with audiences gathering.

Diversity — of cuisine, music, arts, culture, people — is what I and the world have come to enjoy about New York. It is perhaps this diversity, among other qualities, that gives New York its edge and its continued status as the city of the world.

It is this diversity that fuels personal and economic growth, as one group learns from another about different cultures and ways of doing things. Such interaction has a curious effect of keeping minds open to ideas, which ultimately translates into a greater capacity to innovate and to create.

Singapore started out as a migrant nation, much like New York. Perhaps the period when Singapore was chiefly a migrant nation, in its early years, coincides with its period of rapid growth.

Today, while we are cosmopolitan, we are a city of homogeneity — one largely of Singaporeans, albeit with different historical origins, and a minority of “migrants”.

While diversity leads to growth, it also produces consequences that have to be managed. New York City is not spared that, either.

On a day-to-day level, it takes effort to understand and to be understood. At a societal level, government and private enterprise expend extra effort to accommodate cultural differences and keep interests in check.

More seriously, diversity can also give rise to social and political costs. Government has to contend more than ever with issues such as ethnic clustering within a locale, which is inevitable given that human beings prefer to stay within their comfort zone. Such clustering, left unchecked, can lead to division and unrest. New York’s history certainly shows this.

So here’s the challenge of diversity: A careful tolerance by all of all, and a basic acceptance that no matter how different someone can be, they are to be treated with the respect we desire for ourselves.

I wonder if we are prepared for all this, even though we are a multi-racial society. Are we as accepting of other cultures, or has the forging of the Singaporean identity made us less tolerant of things foreign?

Do we have enough sensibility to tread the delicate balance required for a society in which there is not one dominant culture with minority cultures, but many equally dominant cultures?

Does it challenge us too much, perhaps, that we might lose our prevailing identity? Do we find it threatening if the ang moh culture becomes a mainstream one on our shores? Or that the mainland Chinese culture or the Indian cultures become as dominant as the Singapore culture?
My gut feeling as a Singaporean is that while we have the foundations of tolerance, we still have some way to go. I have often heard friends comment, in Singapore, whenever they see ang mohs running shirtless along the road: “There you go, the ang mohs … no sense of decency!”
Or, for that matter, friends and family who look with apprehension at the congregation of Indian workers in Serangoon or the Thais in Beach Road or the Filipinos in Lucky Plaza on the weekends.

I think we need to dig deep and ask if we can be truly open-minded towards people who behave differently from us; and if we are ready to embrace this as acceptable behaviour within Singapore society, so long as they do not violate universal moral values.

Such openness requires all of us to stretch our comfort zones — but the fruits can be rewarding. Or, perhaps, whether we are prepared for diversity is the wrong question. Perhaps what is at stake is whether Singapore, a city that has no natural resource save its people, can afford NOT to be a city of diverse talents from all shores.

One day in the future, on a sunny Sunday afternoon in Singapore when I wander in the Botanic Gardens, I hope I will stumble upon a field dotted with bodies in varying degrees of decency — and ponder on how marvellous it is that we have such diversity.

The writer, a Singaporean based in New York, is a managing director with a leading real estate developer/owner. These are his personal views.

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Are Advertising Services being exempted from paying GST?

December 13, 2006 · No Comments

Not too sure the accounting reasons behind this particular exemption of advertising services-Anyone can attempt to clarify? Any accountants/economists?

The Straits Times (Singapore)
December 13, 2006 Wednesday

MOF takes in three changes to GST Act

THREE recommendations on an amendment to the goods and services tax (GST) Act have been accepted by the Ministry of Finance (MOF).

These changes involve implementing an advance ruling system for GST and revising GST rules for zero-rating of advertising services.

The new ruling system takes effect from Jan 1 and will enable taxpayers to obtain legally binding rulings as long as their requests fulfil a clear set of procedures.

It will also clarify when the Comptroller has to provide rulings requested by taxpayers and the legal consequences of the rulings issued.

As well, the GST rules will be revised to make it simpler to determine when the supplies of advertisements may be zero-rated, which means no GST will be levied.

This relates specifically to advertising services that involve the sale of media space or airtime to circulate the ads. These rule changes will take effect from Jan 1.

In total, MOF received 32 comments during its consultation exercise held from Sept 8 to Oct 6.

Apart from the above changes, another 19 comments have been accepted as feedback, for which the Inland Revenue Authority of Singapore will make clarifications in its e-tax guides.

MOF’s responses to the major comments received can be found on its website.

FIONA CHAN

See MOF website too

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2 GST system straightforward

December 13, 2006 · 1 Comment

Letter from a today reader

2-GST system straightforward

Letter from Clarence Chiang

I agree with Wayne Soon’s proposal of a two-tier Goods and Service Tax (News Comment: “Why two GST rates are better than one”, Dec 8).

Fears that such a GST scheme will seed confusion and accusations of inequality, as raised by Joey Yeo (”Dual tax system will lead to a potential slippery slope”, Dec 11), are overblown.

For one, the definition of the goods and services in the category of necessities won’t change much. Unlike ostentatious and luxury items, demand for basic food and power/water usage deemed as essential will not change drastically as income rises.

Even if they did in the long run, it would be a routine process to re-evaluate the basket of essential goods, given our small population and extensive statistics on consumer spending.

In any case, debate on the definition of necessities ought to be welcomed and not shied away from. It is only good that the citizens are interested enough in policy-making to debate such details.

As for the fear of confusion: How confusing can a laundry list of goods and services deemed as necessities be? The list itself will be fairly straightforward and divided into broad categories.

Access to the list is hardly a problem either, considering the amount of government announcements available online and in the papers. Perhaps leaflets can be delivered to every household.

Previous Letter

Dual tax system will lead to a potential slippery slope


Letter from Joey Yeo

In response to Wayne Soon’s News Comment, “Why two GST rates are better than one” (Dec 8), I would like to highlight the problems of such a dual tax system.

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First, the definition of basic necessity changes with a country’s development. What is a luxury today might not be one in the future — for instance, computers. Hence, there will be a need for the government to constantly review the definition of basic necessities for the lower GST rate.

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This is potentially a slippery slope that could lead to fierce arguments, as there will be different perceptions.

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Second, consumers might be confused with this system. Instead, I support the provision of incentives, such as a Workfare bonus, in a system that spells out the incentives a person can receive depending on various factors: Number of dependents, flat size, household income, and so on.

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Lastly, I have my doubts about the use of lower GST rate to get people to use energy-saving equipment or to procreate. Convenience and the strong desire for having a family are the key spur, rather.

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Interesting Letters in the FEER

December 12, 2006 · No Comments

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Why 2 GST rates are better than one

December 9, 2006 · 2 Comments

My latest article in todayonline

Why two GST rates are better than one
Introducing a lower rate of GST for certain products and services can help lower- and middle-income S’poreans

IT is reassuring to hear the announcements by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam that Workfare will become a permanent feature of our social safety net and that there will be no rise in fees for government services for a year, following the proposed hike in Goods and Services Tax (GST).

But can more be done to alleviate the regressive effect of GST on lower- and middle-income Singaporeans, apart from the promised offset package?

Both leaders argued that an exemption of basic necessities and services from GST-a key idea put up by those who urge the Government to tackle the regressive effects of GST on lower- and middle-income Singaporeans- will create economic distortions. They said the rich consume more of these necessities than the poor, thus, such exemptions and zero-ratings of basic essentials are likely to benefit more the rich than the poor.

While a policy of zero-rating for basic necessities may be controversial, will an alternative strategy involving the introduction of two rates of GST create more win-win solutions for both the Government and the people?

Such “reduced rates” have been introduced in several countries with GST or value added tax (VAT), ranging from Britain to Norway to Sweden. In Britain, besides the zero-rating of 16 groups of products (including food, clothing, books and products for the disabled), consumers and producers of seven other groups of products pay a lower rate of 5 per cent for VAT- compared to the “standard rate” of 17.5 per cent. These include suppliers of domestic power, women’s sanitary products and children’s car seats. Similarly, in Norway, where the ordinary VAT tax rate is 24 per cent, suppliers of foodstuff enjoy a lower rate of 13 per cent. Consumers and suppliers of most forms of transportation need only pay 8 per cent and the suppliers of raw fish, a key industry in Norway, only pay 11.1 per cent of VAT.

In Singapore, introducing a lower rate of GST, say 3 per cent, for basic foodstuff such as all forms of rice, sugar, salt and vegetables, will alleviate the burden of lower- and middle-income Singaporeans.

A family of four which spends $6,000 a year on basic foodstuff can now save $120 a year with a 3 per cent GST rate, as compared to paying the equivalent amount more with a GST hike to 7 per cent.

The presence of a GST for basic foodstuff, albeit reduced, will help in preventing over-consumption of basic foodstuff by higher-income Singaporeans while achieving the target of assisting lower-income Singaporeans. In addition, unlike a zero-rating policy, the Government can still collect substantial amount of revenues from basic foodstuff.

As future demands of globalisation place greater pressures for the Government to raise more revenue to help lower and middle income Singaporeans, introducing “reduced rates” of GST can potentially open up policy options.

Future increases in GST to help the poor might be less controversial as a corresponding reduced rate of GST is available to help Singaporeans procure foodstuff at relatively cheaper prices, to maintain basic standards of living.

If the trial of having dual forms of GST proves successful, the Government may want to consider including more basic necessities in this band of “reduced rate” GST, in future rate increases.

In addition, differing rates of GST can also be a powerful policy tool to create incentives for the adoption of good practices. For example, the British government in 1998 introduced a lower rate of VAT of 5 per cent for energy saving products such as lamps, pipes and glass, in an attempt to induce the British to reduce energy consumption and thus reduce energy bills.

In Norway, to boost tourism rates and to assist the tourism industry, the government has, from Sept 1, introduced a lower VAT rate of 8 per cent for the letting of rooms in hotels, motels and tourist cabins and the hiring out of camping areas, cabins, holiday flats and other recreational accommodation.

In Singapore, will introducing a lower rate of GST for baby products create important incentives for more Singaporeans to procreate? In addition, introducing a lower rate of GST for energy and water saving products will not only encourage Singaporeans to be environmentally conscious by buying more of these products. It will also reduce their PUB bills as their energy consumption decreases with the use of these products.

Since introducing a lower rate of GST can assist lower- and middle-income Singaporeans, while creating more policy options, is it not time to consider introducing two rates of GST?

Categories: Uncategorized

The politics of naming history

December 7, 2006 · No Comments

I read with interest the current debate on naming streets and landmarks after notable Singaporeans. What exactly is history? Is it propaganda? Is the difference between popular history and professional history as such as Yawning Bread recently discussed? Should History not be one linear story? Should it not inspire thinking and debate rather than memorization of official facts?

Compare the below ST online letter with an article I wrote something back: What is history? Why is history often used by elites to impose orthodoxy upon the population?

The Straits Times (Singapore)
December 7, 2006 Thursday
ST FORUM - ONLINE STORY
Renaming streets after S’pore leaders won’t be a problem
Suguna Jeganathan (Miss)

I refer to the Mr Arup Bose’s letter ‘Find another way to remember leaders’ (ST, Dec 5).

I strongly disagree with his comments as there is really no need to panic over a suggestion. The idea put forward by our Senior Minister for naming various places after our former leaders should not be compared with any other country because the contexts are different.

Singapore’s government agencies have the good habit of careful planning and sensible decision-making and Mr Bose can rest assured that people will not have to radically change their addresses in their identity cards.

Furthermore, most of the names of our prominent leaders are not as long as those in India which Mr Bose gave as examples.

I am sure that the streets will not be given long names that are impossible to pronounce.

The remembrance of Singapore’s prominent leaders through the renaming of roads or parks is a step in the right direction. It shows that Singaporeans not only respect and recognise their leaders. They also ensure that the younger generation knows who are the people who built this nation from sources other than history textbooks.

History is not just one linear truth

Enrich our understanding of S’pore’s past by bringing in alternative, diverse accounts

Wayne Soon


THE recent death of Mr S Rajaratnam sparked a profound debate in the press: Why are there Singaporeans who don’t know that Mr Rajaratnam wrote our Pledge and that he laid important foundations for Singapore’s multi-racialism?

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Should history be written to honour more of our founding fathers?

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More importantly, how should we teach Singapore’s post-independence history?

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The purpose of history textbooks in Singapore, just as in many other countries, remains debatable. While many still believe that Singapore’s history is merely a jumble of facts to be regurgitated for test purposes, others believe history should be a forum for patriotism and nation-building.

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But our history textbooks should also inspire lively discussion about the societal, cultural and political debates of those times.

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History textbooks about Singapore should not merely be a forum for nation-building, because this would give rise to selective omissions that short-change future generations. Just take the Japanese example — where, in the name of “patriotism”— wartime events such as the Nanjing Massacre and the plight of “comfort women” were dutifully omitted.

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In Singapore, our approach is so tuned to nation-building prerogatives that we have somewhat neglected large portions of other important parts of our history.

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In secondary school, we are given a clear picture of colonial Singapore and our linear story towards nationhood.

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But most young Singaporeans know little, if anything, about the role of women in Singapore’s history; the cultural evolutions of ordinary Singaporeans in the 1970s; the political visions of the Progressive Party and the Barisan Socialis; the contributions of leaders such as Dr Toh Chin Chye and the late Mr Rajaratnam; the trajectory of local civil society; and the historical role of the press in Singapore.

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A first step would be to introduce a broader, more diverse history. We should also change our teaching methodologies. While social sciences in primary schools can lay the foundation of basic historical knowledge, teaching at the secondary school level should encourage debate.

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Say, if we were looking at the move from kampung-living to HDB flats in the 1960s, we could base the debate upon the differing accounts and attitudes of various Singaporeans, from politicians and HDB developers, to kampung folk and firemen.

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Using this event as a platform, we could discuss and come to grips with much larger concepts — such as the shifts in our political economy, the role of ideology in fostering a communal nation, and religious and cultural identities during that period.

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Modifying our approach will enrich our understanding of our past and foster more critical thinking about our history among younger Singaporeans.

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Let our history textbooks be rewritten by other, more professional historians to reflect the breadth and depth of our history. Include Singapore as a specialised part of the O and A-level syllabus. Allow history teachers more autonomy in teaching methodologies and aids.

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Young Singaporeans are often accused of having “no sense of history”. Perhaps, if history were more discussion-based, as how it is taught in many America high schools, the tide of apathy and ignorance might be reversed.

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